The Daily Star

Saturday, September 25, 2004

3 Middle Eastern imperatives: freedom, democracy and justice

Statement by 40 Mena civil society groups

Below is a version of a statement by 40 leading Middle Eastern and North African civil society groups who met in Beirut on Sept. 5. The text, which may have been amended in its final version, was to have been presented yesterday, Sept. 24, to foreign ministers from the G-8 and Arab countries meeting in New York. The proposals feed into the Forum for the Future that was set up at the G-8 summit in Sea Island, Georgia, last June. It begins by proposing "three imperatives" - freedom, democracy and justice - and "seven programs" - equality, rule of law, free expression and organization, inquisitive education, economic inclusion, transparency, creative artistic and literary expressions.

Democratic and freedom imperatives: We first take the opportunity to welcome and express our appreciation for showing your concern on how the G-8 can support political, economic and social freedom in the Middle East. International initiatives for reform are important; the situation is grave in the Middle East, and most governments turn a deaf ear to internal calls for reforms. This meeting could be an important occasion for an open, committed partnership between democrats in our region and like- minded citizens in the international community, both as civil society leaders and as officials in willing democratic governments. While the participation of concerned governments in the region would be welcome, we cannot wait.

We are here, as individuals, simple members of the so-called Arab-Middle Eastern civil society, women and men who believe in the rule of law, an independent judiciary to protect it, an active and freely elected parliament to enact laws, an accountable, freely elected government to carry them through, meaningful human rights, including foremost the freedom of expression. We take pride in a profound and varied tradition that includes some of the most remarkable human achievements in law, theology, literature, arts and science.

We did not wait for this occasion to defend democracy and call for the respect of human rights. All three religions which emerged from our lands have always claimed justice and freedom as their clarion call, and our societies, like all societies on the planet, have time and again resisted "the patterns of authoritarianism" - Abdelrahman al-Kawakibi, the author of the famous pamphlet with this title in the 19th century was poisoned for his frankness and courage. The fight against colonialism was carried out through immense sacrifices in "the Liberal Age." The Arab Human Development Reports and various civil society declarations are the latest expression of a solid and consistent tradition of denouncing the effects of authoritarianism. While the belated rallying of some Western leaders to the central importance of democracy in our states is welcome, Middle Eastern democrats need a more solid commitment. Over a century ago, Kawakibi identified dictatorship as a crime against society.

Dictatorship must now be declared a crime against humanity.

The Kawakibi tradition never abated, but it now suffocates under the joint pressures of authoritarian governments and extremists within our societies. Both continue to remain unpunished for grave abuse of our freedoms, and extremism is coterminous with marginalization and suppression of intellectual and political movements and leaders. As a handful of us request your attention and action, many more free men and women suffer for their courage by being silenced, more often than not by violent means. We request their immediate release and their right to rehabilitation and integration in a nonviolent, meaningful political process.

Releasing prisoners of conscience, supporting their families and rehabilitating them once freed is the first declared commitment we need from this partnership, which must be supported by multilateral organization or a special G-8 agency and an emergency fund. We can call it the freedom imperative.

We do not claim to represent our societies: only a free vote will, and while most of our countries have parliaments, and occasionally courageous and outspoken members within them, their power is curtailed by executive power, as indeed is the power of our judges which is constantly undermined by executive interference. What we can confidently claim to represent is a different, pressing voice that calls for ballot-based, nonviolent change at all levels of our societies and states, starting from the top. This is the second overarching principled commitment we need from this partnership; we call it the democratic imperative.

The democratic imperative requires in some cases constitutional terms for presidential office, in others the establishment of constitutional monarchies where the head of the executive is chosen directly by the people, and is accountable to them and-or to an elected parliament. In Lebanon, as we speak, democracy is endangered by the distortion of the constitutional terms for the sitting president. In Egypt a large movement has formed under the motto "no extension of the presidential mandate, no political inheritance, competitive presidential contest." These come as a common response across the Middle East, whether they are declared republics or monarchies. In all, nonviolent change at the top in freely contested elections that includes all those affected by the government is necessary. Here also, a special, wide-ranging agency-program is needed.

Seven programs for structural reform:

These two commitments are needed at once, and should be agreed without delay. Longer-term programs are also necessary. An Arab and Middle East Reform Agenda will raise the value of individuals as active and concerned citizens, and we repeat the statement released by 34 NGOs from 14 Arab states on the occasion of the latest Arab summit's acknowledgment of the need to reform.

On the basis of countless civil society meetings across our region, we propose a list of problem areas in which we all recognize profound deficits in need of profound reform. Each one of these is a long, complex program, and in many cases, civil society has already started addressing it. From Sanaa to Damascus, Rabat, Alexandria, Beirut, Cairo and now New York, these issues have been largely identified:

1) A program for citizenship equality and participation, especially gender equality, with special attention both to the victimization of women as group and the need to include victimized groups and-or "minorities" in the national process.

2) A rule of law program. The program will enhance the independence and role of the judiciary, and monitor and remove laws that violate human rights and international standards. Emergency laws, special and military courts, undue police detentions and regular reliance on torture are now well identified. They must be abolished.

3) A program that protects and enlarges freedom of expression, especially the freedom of the press and the freedom of organization.

4) A program for a thorough revision of education generally, and of religious education where intolerance is actively advocated in its name.

Educators, religious and secular, must be encouraged to promote basic and high quality skills and critical inquisitive thinking.

5) A program to secure jobs for the 5 million to 7 million annual entrants into the job market, especially the poor and those left behind. Civil society comprises by definition an active private sector, and forms of close cooperation are needed with the creators of wealth. Reform is bound to fail if the business sector is not an active part of it. This program will promote investment in quality services and value-added products, small and micro enterprises, competitiveness and quality, innovation, environmental sustainability and social services with creative partnerships between the state and the private sector.

6) A program for combating corruption at all levels to ensure the accountability of bureaucracies and the transparency of organizations, both private and public, and financial institutions.

7) A program for the promotion of creative arts and culture, and the qualitative enlargement of public space.

We need commitment with us in an open and dedicated manner. We shall be partners with the international community in these programs and partners with our governments when they are willing. Partnership for reform should include a triangle of international and Arab governments, international and Arab private sectors and Arab civil society, but cannot be stopped by the resistance of those who defend the status quo. To prevent delay and resistance, implementation of these programs must be carried out by vectors of civil society, persons and institutions, and not by international institutions or governments, whether governments in Arab states or foreign to the region.

We propose that each problem area gets carried out by a structured, international program, with clear and realistic benchmarks, and the identification of individuals and groups to carry them out. The benchmarks must enclose further support in case of success, and penalties, starting with civil society partners who do not rise to the task, but including also in terms of penalties those individuals that stand against the accomplishment of the programs. We need success stories to be known, and impediments to success to be denounced. Transparency and media coverage will be key. It may be helpful to envisage one or more Arab- Middle East Observatories to help measure benchmarks, objectives and achievements.

Regional peace and the justice imperative:

This could be an appropriate place to stop. We can go home with this dual commitment: Two immediate imperatives, seven medium to long- term programs, and a structure to follow them up. This in itself is an achievement worthy of everyone's time.

But we do not feel this would be sufficient. For if Arab societies confront problems that are universal, we are also plagued by a unique intensity of regional violence in which the first victims are our relatives and friends. In recent years, Middle Eastern violence has spilled over to the planet, which explains the present, unusual meeting. Middle Eastern violence carries complications of its own, mostly the one occasioned by the emergence of Israel on the ruins of Palestine. From Iraq to Darfur to Palestine, huge loss of human life is the defining concern of the unaccountable, unpunished exercise of power that creates massive and continued refugee crises. A priority is for the return of refugees to their homes - Palestinians, Sudanese, Afghanis, Iraqis and others, and for those leaders who are guilty of crimes against humanity to be brought to justice, as is the case of the former ruler of Iraq; Ariel Sharon, Moammar al-Gadhafi and possibly now the ruler of Sudan belong to this unique category. This we call the justice imperative.

If this meeting is to be successful, accountability is, therefore, central.

We do not simply demand democracy within a self-governing Iraq, Western Sahara and Lebanon free of foreign troops, and a Palestine governed by its two constituent peoples. We need you to help us bring together human rights and political accountability, including at the top of decision-making in each state. All prisoners of conscience must be released, former presidents turned into retired citizens in a respectful neighborhood, and leaders responsible for crimes against humanity put behind bars.